Hundreds of volunteers gathered at Pioneers Park in Belgrade on the morning after Serbia's parliamentary elections to restore the space that had been occupied for 18 months by a pro-government camp. According to The Guardian, the cleanup effort reflected the Student List movement's commitment to civic responsibility, even as supporters celebrated their decisive victory over Aleksandar Vučić's Serbian Progressive party (SNS).
The election on 25 October marked a watershed moment for Serbia. According to Ekathimerini, turnout reached nearly 70%, the highest since Yugoslavia's breakup in 1992, and preliminary results from 7,807 polling stations showed the Student List securing 51.89% of votes—more than 2.04 million ballots—while Vučić's coalition received 39.73%, or approximately 1.57 million votes. Kursiv reported that Vučić conceded defeat, projecting the Student List would win 135–140 of the 250 parliamentary seats against about 105 for his bloc.
For the preceding year and a half, Pioneers Park had been transformed into a no-go zone. A pro-government encampment called Ćaciland, populated by convicted criminals housed in white tents, had served as a base for intimidation. Journalists and opposition supporters who ventured near the site faced violence, while police made no effort to intervene or prevent attacks.
Election night appeared poised to bring further turmoil. Roughly 30 minutes before polling stations closed, large contingents of masked, black-clad men assembled throughout and around Pioneers Park. Their threatening demeanor seemed to validate pre-election forecasts suggesting the SNS would resist surrendering power through confrontation.
The situation shifted dramatically after the polls closed. Before any official projections were released, Vučić addressed his party's supporters at SNS headquarters and acknowledged a comprehensive loss to the Student List. As jubilation erupted across Belgrade, he declared that he did
not want unrest or anything like that on the streets. Riot police withdrew from the area, barriers restricting access to Pioneers Park were dismantled, and the intimidation squad departed hastily. Student List supporters then proceeded to dismantle Ćaciland, setting some of the tents ablaze.
Yet the movement's supporters demonstrated a commitment to orderly conduct that distinguished their celebration from typical post-election chaos. Throughout the two-year campaign of anti-corruption demonstrations that culminated in the Student List's triumph, participants had consistently restored spaces after their gatherings. Following their victory, organizers issued a call for volunteers to rehabilitate Pioneers Park to its former condition.
The response was substantial. Hundreds of citizens joined municipal staff in dismantling the remnants of Ćaciland. Some worked to disassemble the damaged white tents, while others methodically cleaned and sanitized the playground equipment—climbing frames, swings, and slides—that had been neglected during the encampment's occupation.
Radomir Dalic methodically raked through the grass to extract cigarette butts and debris. Visibly satisfied with his contribution, he expressed his relief that the park had been reclaimed from
criminals with violent intentions towards us. He continued:
Yesterday was a big victory, so today is the smell of freedom. We are in garbage, but it's the smell of freedom.
Tamara Tomic, dressed in yellow rubber gloves for the occasion, conveyed comparable satisfaction in her participation.
Gathering here and cleaning this place just shows that we want to live nicely,she stated.
We want to enjoy the city, enjoy a normal life without violence and without anyone torturing us.
What does the Student List plan to do?
Few observers are yet scrutinizing the movement's governing agenda in detail, given the euphoria surrounding the SNS's defeat. The Student List represents an unconventional political force—it operates without a traditional hierarchy or designated leader. Its 250 candidates were selected through a series of student assemblies, with nominations encompassing academics, athletes, economists, and engineers.
The movement released an 11-point platform emphasizing anti-corruption initiatives—the very platform that had propelled Vučić and the SNS to victory in 2012. Additional pledges address judicial reform, press freedom, housing affordability, and healthcare expansion, including
a doctor in every village. Beyond these domestic institutional priorities, however, the Student List's direction remains ambiguous. The movement entered the elections without naming a prime ministerial candidate or outlining a prospective cabinet.
Who will lead the government?
Ilija Srdanović, the cardiologist ranked first on the Student List's electoral roster, has attempted to downplay governance risks. A physician at the university in Novi Sad—the city where a deadly roof collapse ignited the student protests—Srdanović has marched alongside activists from the movement's inception. Yet he has been emphatic that his position at the top of the list does not predestine him for the prime minister's office.
The student movement is fully democratic,he asserted, emphasizing the movement's determination to resist Serbia's tradition of
creating the cult of personality or leadership. He stressed that the 250 candidates were
equal subjects in this struggle, with
numerous candidates who can be chosen for the prime minister position or any other position.
As of 26 October, the Student List had not announced a prime-ministerial candidate, despite the urgency of forming a government. Srdanović's reassurances, however, offer limited comfort to observers who recognize the potential for friction among the movement's diverse membership.
What are the risks ahead?
Kurt Bassuener, co-founder of the Democratization Policy Council, expressed reservations about the transition from electoral triumph to administrative reality.
I'm hoping that there is a dream scenario plan here – they have portfolios and people who have credibility in particular issue areas and they can hit the ground running. Because the danger of a broad coalition like this is that the fissures will show soon after victory.
The breadth of ideological positions represented within the Student List poses particular challenges regarding foreign policy and regional relations. Despite Vučić's assertions that a Student List government would impose sanctions on Russia and recognize Kosovo's unilateral independence declaration, the movement's international stance remains opaque. Michael Davenport, a former EU and UK ambassador to Serbia, highlighted the absence of consensus on critical questions.
We have not seen seas of EU flags at demonstrations by students or the marches across Serbia,he observed.
There are massive policy areas where there is no consensus among the Student List or those have been elected. The approach towards accession to the European Union is not clear, nor is the position with regard to regional issues like Bosnia and Herzegovina and, very particularly, Kosovo.
Many citizens are content to defer such concerns. As Vučić and the SNS receded from power, the sound of car horns reverberated throughout Belgrade on 26 October as drivers passed the cleanup crews working in Pioneers Park. One tangible emblem of the previous regime had been removed. The Student List's supporters anticipate that additional transformations will follow.
